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In Brill s significant other to George Grote and the Classical Tradition, Kyriakos Demetriou leads a workforce of famous students to contextualize, resolve and discover Grote's works in addition to offer a severe evaluation of his posthumous legacy."

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Extra info for Brill's Companion to George Grote and the Classical Tradition (Brill's Companions to Classical Reception)

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60 The ballot’s prominence in this decade stemmed from several sources: the passage of the Reform Act stimulated the appetite for further reform; the frequency and bitterness of post-Reform-Act general elections (1832, 1835, 1837)—each revealing the persistence of widespread intimidation and corrupt practices—made plain the grave defects of the electoral system and gave the advocates of secret voting plentiful targets upon which to train their sights; the ballot’s simplicity as the comprehensive remedy of these glaring defects; finally, the presence in the House of Commons of Radicals determined to press the question, the Philosophic Radicals especially.

Placards reading “TO STOP THE DUKE GO FOR GOLD” greeted Londoners as they entered the streets on the morning of 13 May. ” Grote went on to assert that “a run artificially got up will alienate numbers from the cause of Reform, & will not draw in a single partisan. 47 On the morning of 15 May Wellington informed the King that he had failed to constitute a viable administration; he advised William to send for Grey. ”48 Such gloating was misplaced on several counts: the important influence of the City had been brought to bear in support of the Bill (Grote himself had been a highly visible and active participant in the effort to make this influence felt);49 Wellington’s giving up his commission from the King had less to do with the run on the banks than with Peel’s refusal to take office and the recognition that the political means required to carry out this commission were not at hand; “the people’s Bill” produced an electorate of less than 700,000 voters (approximately 18% of adult males in England and Wales).

Richard Carlile did not fall into this category, and the form of popular radicalism and infidelity he espoused was intended to reach a plebeian audience whose disaffection from the established order caused the authorities real concern. The readership of a Bentham, a James Mill, or a George Grote—small in size and respectable in character—caused much less alarm. 24 kinzer of Commons. The great majority of rank-and-file Tories adamantly opposed Catholic emancipation; most front-bench government ministers in the House of Commons favored it.

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