By Susan Eva Eckstein
This ebook has lengthy been considered as the definitive heritage of Castro's communist regime, starting in 1959 in the course of the Nineteen Nineties. This up-to-date, moment version features a new epilogue through the writer that covers the decade, together with such newsworthy occasions because the Elian Gonzalez controversy, the growing to be immigrant neighborhood of Cuban-Americans in Florida, the function of Cuban-Americans within the 2000 presidential election, the withering U.S. revenues embargo and the inevitable transition of strength now that Castro is in his mid-70s.
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Additional info for Back From the Future: Cuba Under Castro
The top union leadership here too were Party people of political stature. Although the government clamped down on a black cultural movement that encouraged black separatism,70 different cultural mediums drew on BACK FROM THE FUTURE 25 Afro-Cuban and Yoruba culture, with official support (through, for example, the National Folklore Group and the African and Caribbean Studies Centers). In so doing the government strengthened prerevolutionary identities and customs. Afro-Cuban culture has remained important because of and not merely despite the Marxist-Leninist state, and its articulation reflected Castro’s appeal, in part, to tradition as a basis of legitimation.
Cuba’s political independence, which came only at the end of the nineteenth century, involved a struggle that took on a radical and antiimperialist character. José Martí is considered the hero of the nationalist struggle. After independence Cuba’s upper classes were unable to maintain political order. No political party or group of parties held on to power for a sustained period of time. Although the island briefly experienced constitutional democracy in the immediate post-World War II period, caudillos typically were the most authoritative force.
Discontent is rarely expressed in overt wellcoordinated ways where opposition is illegal or personally risky. 13 And if an electorate is dissatisfied with candidate choices, ballot destruction may become commonplace. Such “everyday forms of resistance,” as James Scott calls them, can be veiled behind outward loyalty and deference, certain cooperation and compliance. They may be legal or illegal, depending on the politicaleconomic system and specific government regulations. Under state socialism black-market activity, for instance, is a mode of defiance against bureaucratic allocative mechanisms that falls outside the law; the same private activity at other times may be legal, including under such regimes.